Adult Nigeriansand the Igbo in particular know the loving intensity with which Professor Austine SO Okwu carried out his work as a Nigerian diplomat between 1961 and 1967. Fearless and outspoken, he repeatedly stood up for Nigeria, challenging and defending himself against his detractors.
Although not as well known as she should be, Austine Okwu had a guiding hand in the pottery of African unity and the formation of the Organization of the African Union, the OAU. At least this was what I understood from reading a subsection from his book, Truly for Justice and Honor: Memoirs of a Nigerian-Biafra Ambassador.
If the interpretation holds, then such a revelation in my understanding of African history (which, frankly speaking, is close to nil), for the sake of posterity must be carried through to its conclusion.
Quickly dismissing the discussion over the phone, I arranged an appointment with the professor at his home to clarify certain elements, especially the OAU aspects of the book.
He suggested Saturday at 2 pm and I agreed.
When I pulled up and parked my gray Honda at the curb and turned my head over my shoulder, the professor was warming up on the front deck in the New Haven, Connecticut sun.
When you climb a kola nut tree, it reminded me of an Igbo proverb, get all the nuts you need because trees the size of the kola nut are rarely climbed. I immediately agreed, changed my mind and decided to extend the interview to fit the era of the Nigerian-Biafra civil war.
He led me through the front door into a small hallway. To the right was a medium-sized living room, appropriately furnished for a ninety-two-year-old retired diplomat and his wife, and witness to innumerable gifts from loving family members and sympathizers.
“Anselm, dear, please have a seat,” he said, leading me further into the heart of the living room.
Beckoning me was my favorite place to sit, the middle segment of a three-seater black leather sofa against the wall by the window. On a solid brown table in front of me, I placed a copy of the book and the latest versions of my corrected articles, Part I and Part II.
The professor sat on a single sofa to my right. As we talked, he frequently cleared his throat. “I’m not feeling well today; I’ve been in bed all day. If I hadn’t promised, I would have called it off. But I’d love to see you. Once we’re done, I’ll go back to bed. But I’m happy to see you, my son.” Anselm”.
Did you take any medication? I asked.
“I don’t like medicine, unless of course I get sick. My body will heal itself. I’m better. Will you have ginger ale or water?”
“No, Professor. Thank you.”
We both avoid food and soft drinks like middle-aged men avoid talking about aging. We continue without interruption.
I hadn’t made a written list because the questions were hot in my brain, like a freshly baked meatloaf.
“Ask any question you want,” he said, reading my mind. My brain pondered, considering how to start.
Some men request questions only to frown when a tough one is thrown. Not Professor Austine Okwu. Since he loves to teach, he loves questions of any difficulty. Naturally, the caption ‘Save the OAU’ in his book led the barrage.
Saving the Addis Ababa conference and the OAU
‘Do you really believe that he participated in the formation of the Organization of African Unity, OAU? If so, how come his name isn’t in every African history book? Many men became legendary for doing so much less…’ Mutual laughter broke out to fill the last words.
‘I didn’t exactly say that in my book,’ Austine countered, her laugh turning into a smile and ending with a clearing of her throat.
‘But that was my conclusion after reading the passage many times.’
‘Find the page in the book where I talked about my contribution to the OAU.’
At his insistence, I grabbed the book from the table, quickly turned to page 136, and read the section with the subheading: ‘Saving the Addis Ababa conference and the OAU.’ The essential sequence of the section is presented below.
Emperor Haile Selassie
African states split into two ideological camps, primarily over their approach to fighting their common imperial enemy. One camp was in favor of dealing with oppressors with kid gloves. The other camp wanted the imperialists to leave immediately, without delay. ‘A divided Africa is a launch pad for the devil,’ said Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, calling a meeting to unite the two warring camps, a total of thirty-one independent states. Julius Nyerere smelled an opportunity.
Julius Nyerere, Tanzania, Dar es Salaam, May 1963
President Nyerere, of the ‘throw out the oppressors now’ camp, saw the Emperor’s meeting as a good opportunity to bring freedom fighters from areas of Africa still under colonial rule. He called a meeting of all diplomats serving in Dar es Salaama total of ten African heads of mission.
‘Tell the leaders of their countries,’ Nyerere said, ‘to allow the freedom fighters to be part of the May meeting.’ For emphasis, Nyerere repeated: ‘Our brothers who still fight against colonial oppression must come to the meeting.’
The diplomats did what diplomats usually do; listen, take notes and be quiet. Say thank you for the time spent, the food eaten and the friendship built and then report back to your country of origin.
All but one nodded approvingly at Julius Nyerere’s directives. Very soon the lonely dissertation spoke. “Inviting the freedom fighters, Mr. President, can explode a Pandora’s box and ruin the meeting,” said the young Nigerian diplomat. Immediately, Nyerere informed an aide to stop SO
Austine SO Okwu arrested by President Julius Nyerere
Challenging high-ranking diplomats after hours in local restaurants is brave enough, but disagreeing with an African Head of State at a conference is always a mistake in judgment. Unless, of course, his name is Austine, in which case innate tact, grit, and cunning clench his decision-making muscles.
Alone in detention, Austine was in a quandary. Did my magic amulet work? And if so, why did they stop me?
“Your position once again on the freedom fighters and the Addis Ababa Conference, Mr. Austine?” asked the president.
I foresee trouble, Mr. President. Inviting favorite freedom fighters to the meeting would mean that other Heads of State would invite their own favorite freedom fighters, some of whom are fighting rival Heads of State. These actions may sink the Addis Ababa meeting.’
Cupping a narrow chin with one hand, Nyerere watched as a fragile conference might burst into flames. Two possible outcomes: Risk ruining the meeting or risk disappointing the freedom fighters.
He snuggled up with a confidant. After a few minutes, she came out and capitulated.
‘Thank you, Mr. Okwu,’ said the president, ‘you are a true African patriot, and your judgment may well have saved the Addis Ababa conference.’
Memos were sent to the other diplomats: attendance by freedom fighters is off the table. The Addis Ababa conference continued, the two rival camps came together and the Organization for African Unity (OAU) was born.
So, did SO really save the OAU?
Having reached some resolution on the OAU issue, our dialogue examined the events surrounding the Nigerian-Biafra civil war, 1967-1970: Was Kaduna Nzeogwu really an Ibo? Austin he met the legendary Aguyi Ironsi? Did the Igbo condemn the January 1966 coup that killed Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa and many iconic northern leaders? Why didn’t Britain’s Prime Minister Harold Wilson lean on Northern Nigeria to stop the civil war? Did the Yoruba tribe speak out against the war? Where did the fear of Igbo domination come from at that time? Etc.
All my questions and the teacher’s answers will be presented in the fourth part of my article.